CBSE • Chapter 2

Chapter Ii: Nationalism In India

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My dear students, a very good morning to all of you! I am so happy to see you ready to learn about one of the most fascinating and important chapters in your History syllabus – Chapter 2: Nationalism in India. Today, we are going to travel back in time to the early twentieth century and understand how our country fought for freedom, how different groups of people came together despite their differences, and how the idea of India as a nation was born. This is going to be an exciting journey, so let's begin!

Now students, before we start, let me ask you a question. What do you understand by the word 'nationalism'? Think about it for a moment. Nationalism is that feeling of love, loyalty, and devotion towards one's nation. It is the belief that people who share a common identity, history, culture, or territory should govern themselves. In Europe, as you might have learned in the previous chapter, nationalism led to the formation of nation-states. But in India and other colonies, nationalism took a different path – it grew in connection with the anti-colonial movement. Let me explain what this means.

In India and in many other colonies, the growth of modern nationalism is intimately connected to the anti-colonial movement. What does 'intimately connected' mean? It means they are closely linked, almost like two sides of the same coin. People began discovering their unity in the process of their struggle with colonialism. The sense of being oppressed under colonialism provided a shared bond that tied many different groups together. Imagine you and your friends are all being treated unfairly by someone. Even if you are different from each other – different backgrounds, different interests – the common experience of injustice brings you together. That is exactly what happened in India. The British colonial rule affected everyone, though in different ways. But the feeling of being oppressed created a bond among people.

However, students, it is important to understand that each class and group felt the effects of colonialism differently. Their experiences were varied, and their notions of freedom were not always the same. The rich merchants thought about freedom differently from the poor peasants. The industrialists had different aspirations than the farmers. The Congress under Mahatma Gandhi tried to forge these groups together within one movement. But as we shall see, unity did not emerge without conflict.

In your earlier textbooks, you have read about the growth of nationalism in India up to the first decade of the twentieth century. In this chapter, we will pick up the story from the 1920s and study the Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements. We will explore how the Congress sought to develop the national movement, how different social groups participated in the movement, and how nationalism captured the imagination of people.

So let's begin with our first major topic: The First World War, Khilafat and Non-Cooperation.

## The First World War and Its Aftermath

Students, the First World War lasted from 1914 to 1918. This war created a new economic and political situation in India. How did it affect our country? Let me explain.

First, the war led to a huge increase in defence expenditure. The British government needed money to fight the war, so they financed this through war loans and increasing taxes. Customs duties were raised and income tax was introduced. Can you imagine suddenly having to pay more taxes? That is what happened to the people of India.

Through the war years, prices increased – they actually doubled between 1913 and 1918! This led to extreme hardship for the common people. Imagine if the price of everything you buy suddenly becomes twice as expensive – that would be very difficult to manage, right? That is exactly what people faced.

Villages were called upon to supply soldiers, and the forced recruitment in rural areas caused widespread anger. The British government needed soldiers for the war, and they used a process called forced recruitment – which means they forced people to join the army. This was very unpopular in rural areas.

Then, to make things worse, in 1918-19 and 1920-21, crops failed in many parts of India, resulting in acute shortages of food. This was accompanied by an influenza epidemic. According to the census of 1921, 12 to 13 million people perished as a result of famines and the epidemic. This is a staggering number, students – imagine the suffering of so many families!

People hoped that their hardships would end after the war was over. They thought, "The war is over, now things will get better." But that did not happen. The post-war period brought more disappointment, and this created widespread discontent among people. This discontent would later fuel the national movement.

At this stage, a new leader appeared and suggested a new mode of struggle. That leader was Mahatma Gandhi, and the new method was called Satyagraha.

## The Idea of Satyagraha

Students, Mahatma Gandhi returned to India in January 1915. He had come from South Africa where he had successfully fought the racist regime with a novel method of mass agitation, which he called satyagraha. Let me explain what this term means.

The word 'satyagraha' comes from two Sanskrit words: 'satya' meaning truth, and 'agraha' meaning firmness or insistence. So satyagraha literally means 'insistence on truth' or 'holding firmly to truth'. The idea of satyagraha emphasised the power of truth and the need to search for truth. It suggested that if the cause was true, if the struggle was against injustice, then physical force was not necessary to fight the oppressor. Without seeking vengeance or being aggressive, a satyagrahi could win the battle through non-violence. This could be done by appealing to the conscience of the oppressor. People – including the oppressors – had to be persuaded to see the truth, instead of being forced to accept truth through the use of violence. By this struggle, truth was bound to ultimately triumph.

Mahatma Gandhi believed that this dharma of non-violence could unite all Indians. He was convinced that India could not rival Britain or Europe in force of arms. The British worship the war-god and they can all of them become bearers of arms. The hundreds of millions in India can never carry arms. They have made the religion of non-violence their own, Gandhi ji said.

Now students, let me answer the activity question: What did Mahatma Gandhi mean when he said satyagraha is active resistance?

When Gandhi ji said satyagraha is active resistance, he meant that it is not passive or weak. It is not about doing nothing or being inactive. In fact, satyagraha calls for intense activity. The satyagrahi is actively engaging in the struggle, but through peaceful means. A satyagrahi does not inflict pain on the adversary; he does not seek his destruction. There is no ill-will whatever in the use of satyagraha. It is pure soul-force. Truth is the very substance of the soul. That is why this force is called satyagraha. The soul is informed with knowledge and in it burns the flame of love. So satyagraha is an active, energetic, but completely non-violent form of resistance against injustice.

After arriving in India, Mahatma Gandhi successfully organised satyagraha movements in various places. In 1917, he travelled to Champaran in Bihar to inspire the peasants to struggle against the oppressive plantation system. In 1918, Mahatma Gandhi went to Ahmedabad to organise a satyagraha movement amongst cotton mill workers. Then in 1918, he organised a satyagraha to support the peasants of the Kheda district of Gujarat. Affected by crop failure and a plague epidemic, the peasants of Kheda could not pay the revenue, and they were demanding that revenue collection be relaxed. In all these movements, Gandhi ji showed his ability to unite people and fight for their rights through non-violent means.

## The Rowlatt Act

Emboldened with this success, Gandhiji in 1919 decided to launch a nationwide satyagraha against the proposed Rowlatt Act (1919). What was this Rowlatt Act? Let me explain.

This Act had been hurriedly passed through the Imperial Legislative Council despite the united opposition of the Indian members. It gave the government enormous powers to repress political activities, and allowed detention of political prisoners without trial for two years. Can you imagine being arrested and kept in jail for two years without even being tried in a court? That is what this law allowed. It was a very oppressive law, and that is why Indians were outraged by it.

Mahatma Gandhi wanted non-violent civil disobedience against such unjust laws, which would start with a hartal on 6 April. A hartal means a strike or shutdown of shops and businesses as a form of protest.

Rallies were organised in various cities, workers went on strike in railway workshops, and shops closed down. Alarmed by the popular upsurge, and scared that lines of communication such as the railways and telegraph would be disrupted, the British administration decided to clamp down on nationalists. Local leaders were picked up from Amritsar, and Mahatma Gandhi was barred from entering Delhi.

On 10 April, the police in Amritsar fired upon a peaceful procession, provoking widespread attacks on banks, post offices and railway stations. Martial law was imposed and General Dyer took command.

Now students, we come to one of the most tragic incidents in Indian history – the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. This is a very important topic, and you must remember it.

On 13 April 1919, the infamous Jallianwalla Bagh incident took place. On that day, a large crowd gathered in the enclosed ground of Jallianwalla Bagh. Some came to protest against the government's new repressive measures. Others had come to attend the annual Baisakhi fair. Being from outside the city, many villagers were unaware of the martial law that had been imposed. Dyer entered the area, blocked the exit points, and opened fire on the crowd, killing hundreds. His object, as he declared later, was to 'produce a moral effect', to create in the minds of satyagrahis a feeling of terror and awe. This was a brutal act of violence against innocent people, and it shocked the entire nation.

As the news of Jallianwalla Bagh spread, crowds took to the streets in many north Indian towns. There were strikes, clashes with the police and attacks on government buildings. The government responded with brutal repression, seeking to humiliate and terrorise people: satyagrahis were forced to rub their noses on the ground, crawl on the streets, and do salaam (salute) to all sahibs; people were flogged and villages (around Gujranwala in Punjab, now in Pakistan) were bombed. Seeing violence spread, Mahatma Gandhi called off the movement.

Now, students, let me answer one of the exercise questions: Why were Indians outraged by the Rowlatt Act?

Indians were outraged by the Rowlatt Act because it was a repressive law that denied basic civil liberties. It allowed the government to arrest and detain people without trial for up to two years. This meant that people could be imprisoned simply on suspicion, without any evidence being presented in a court of law. The Act was passed despite united opposition from Indian members of the Legislative Council, showing that the British were imposing laws on Indians without their consent. This was seen as a direct attack on the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Indian people, and it sparked widespread protests across the country.

While the Rowlatt satyagraha had been a widespread movement, it was still limited mostly to cities and towns. Mahatma Gandhi now felt the need to launch a more broad-based movement in India. But he was certain that no such movement could be organised without bringing the Hindus and Muslims closer together. One way of doing this, he felt, was to take up the Khilafat issue.

## The Khilafat Issue

Now students, let me explain the Khilafat issue. The First World War had ended with the defeat of Ottoman Turkey. And there were rumours that a harsh peace treaty was going to be imposed on the Ottoman emperor – the spiritual head of the Islamic world (the Khalifa). To defend the Khalifa's temporal powers, a Khilafat Committee was formed in Bombay in March 1919. A young generation of Muslim leaders like the brothers Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali began discussing with Mahatma Gandhi about the possibility of a united mass action on the issue. Gandhiji saw this as an opportunity to bring Muslims under the umbrella of a unified national movement. At the Calcutta session of the Congress in September 1920, he convinced other leaders of the need to start a non-cooperation movement in support of Khilafat as well as for swaraj.

## Why Non-Cooperation?

Now students, let's understand why the Non-Cooperation Movement was started. In his famous book Hind Swaraj (1909), Mahatma Gandhi declared that British rule was established in India with the cooperation of Indians, and had survived only because of this cooperation. If Indians refused to cooperate, British rule in India would collapse within a year, and swaraj would come. This was a revolutionary idea!

How could non-cooperation become a movement? Gandhiji proposed that the movement should unfold in stages. It should begin with the surrender of titles that the government awarded, and a boycott of civil services, army, police, courts and legislative councils, schools, and foreign goods. Then, in case the government used repression, a full civil disobedience campaign would be launched.

Through the summer of 1920, Mahatma Gandhi and Shaukat Ali toured extensively, mobilising popular support for the movement.

Many within the Congress were, however, concerned about the proposals. They were reluctant to boycott the council elections scheduled for November 1920, and they feared that the movement might lead to popular violence. In the months between September and December, there was an intense tussle within the Congress. For a while, there seemed no meeting point between the supporters and the opponents of the movement. Finally, at the Congress session at Nagpur in December 1920, a compromise was worked out and the Non-Cooperation programme was adopted.

Now let's answer one of the exercise questions: Why did Gandhiji decide to withdraw the Non-Cooperation Movement?

Gandhiji decided to withdraw the Non-Cooperation Movement because of the incident at Chauri Chaura in Gorakhpur in February 1922. At Chauri Chaura, a peaceful demonstration in a bazaar turned into a violent clash with the police. Hearing of the incident, Mahatma Gandhi felt that the movement was turning violent in many places and satyagrahis needed to be properly trained before they would be ready for mass struggles. He believed strongly in non-violence, and when the movement became violent, he decided to call it off. This shows how committed Gandhi ji was to the principle of non-violence, even if it meant temporarily stopping the freedom struggle.

Now let's move on to our next major section.

## Differing Strands within the Movement

The Non-Cooperation-Khilafat Movement began in January 1921. Various social groups participated in this movement, each with its own specific aspiration. All of them responded to the call of Swaraj, but the term meant different things to different people. This is a very important point to understand, students. Not everyone had the same idea of what freedom meant.

### The Movement in the Towns

The movement started with middle-class participation in the cities. Thousands of students left government-controlled schools and colleges, headmasters and teachers resigned, and lawyers gave up their legal practices. The council elections were boycotted in most provinces except Madras, where the Justice Party, the party of the non-Brahmans, felt that entering the council was one way of gaining some power – something that usually only Brahmans had access to.

The effects of non-cooperation on the economic front were more dramatic. Foreign goods were boycotted, liquor shops picketed, and foreign cloth burnt in huge bonfires. The import of foreign cloth halved between 1921 and 1922, its value dropping from Rs 102 crore to Rs 57 crore. In many places, merchants and traders refused to trade in foreign goods or finance foreign trade. As the boycott movement spread, and people began discarding imported clothes and wearing only Indian ones, production of Indian textile mills and handlooms went up.

But this movement in the cities gradually slowed down for a variety of reasons. Khadi cloth was often more expensive than mass-produced mill cloth and poor people could not afford to buy it. How then could they boycott mill cloth for too long? Similarly, the boycott of British institutions posed a problem. For the movement to be successful, alternative Indian institutions had to be set up so that they could be used in place of the British ones. These were slow to come up. So students and teachers began trickling back to government schools and lawyers joined back work in government courts.

### Rebellion in the Countryside

From the cities, the Non-Cooperation Movement spread to the countryside. It drew into its fold the struggles of peasants and tribals which were developing in different parts of India in the years after the war.

In Awadh, peasants were led by Baba Ramchandra – a sanyasi who had earlier been to Fiji as an indentured labourer. The movement here was against taluqdars and landlords who demanded from peasants exorbitantly high rents and a variety of other cesses. Peasants had to do begar and work at landlords' farms without any payment. As tenants they had no security of tenure, being regularly evicted so that they could acquire no right over the leased land. The peasant movement demanded reduction of revenue, abolition of begar, and social boycott of oppressive landlords. In many places nai – dhobi bandhs were organised by panchayats to deprive landlords of the services of even barbers and washermen.

In June 1920, Jawaharlal Nehru began going around the villages in Awadh, talking to the villagers, and trying to understand their grievances. By October, the Oudh Kisan Sabha was set up headed by Jawaharlal Nehru, Baba Ramchandra and a few others. Within a month, over 300 branches had been set up in the villages around the region. So when the Non-Cooperation Movement began the following year, the effort of the Congress was to integrate the Awadh peasant struggle into the wider struggle.

The peasant movement, however, developed in forms that the Congress leadership was unhappy with. As the movement spread in 1921, the houses of taluqdars and merchants were attacked, bazaars were looted, and grain hoards were taken over. In many places, local leaders told peasants that Gandhiji had declared that no taxes were to be paid and land was to be redistributed among the poor. The name of the Mahatma was being invoked to sanction all action and aspirations.

Now students, let me answer the activity question: If you were a peasant in Uttar Pradesh in 1920, how would you have responded to Gandhiji's call for Swaraj?

If I were a peasant in Uttar Pradesh in 1920, I would have responded enthusiastically to Gandhiji's call for Swaraj. The reason is simple – as a peasant, I was suffering under the oppressive system of taluqdars and landlords. I had to pay extremely high rents, perform begar (free labour) for the landlords, and I had no security of tenure. I could be evicted from the land I cultivated at any time. So when Gandhiji called for Swaraj and promised freedom from such oppression, it meant hope for a better life. The Oudh Kisan Sabha, led by Jawaharlal Nehru and Baba Ramchandra, was fighting for exactly the things I wanted – reduction of revenue, abolition of begar, and security of tenure. I would have joined the movement because it promised relief from the unbearable burdens I faced as a tenant farmer.

In 1928, Vallabhbhai Patel led the peasant movement in Bardoli, a taluka in Gujarat, against enhancement of land revenue. Known as the Bardoli Satyagraha, this movement was a success under the able leadership of Vallabhbhai Patel. The struggle was widely publicised and generated immense sympathy in many parts of India.

Now let's look at another important movement in the countryside – the tribal movement in Andhra Pradesh.

Tribal peasants interpreted the message of Mahatma Gandhi and the idea of swaraj in yet another way. In the Gudem Hills of Andhra Pradesh, for instance, a militant guerrilla movement spread in the early 1920s – not a form of struggle that the Congress could approve. Here, as in other forest regions, the colonial government had closed large forest areas, preventing people from entering the forests to graze their cattle, or to collect fuelwood and fruits. This enraged the hill people. Not only were their livelihoods affected but they felt that their traditional rights were being denied. When the government began forcing them to contribute begar for road building, the hill people revolted.

The person who came to lead them was an interesting figure. Alluri Sitaram Raju claimed that he had a variety of special powers: he could make correct astrological predictions and heal people, and he could survive even bullet shots. Captivated by Raju, the rebels proclaimed that he was an incarnation of God. Raju talked of the greatness of Mahatma Gandhi, said he was inspired by the Non-Cooperation Movement, and persuaded people to wear khadi and give up drinking. But at the same time, he asserted that India could be liberated only by the use of force, not non-violence. The Gudem rebels attacked police stations, attempted to kill British officials and carried on guerrilla warfare for achieving swaraj. Raju was captured and executed in 1924, and over time became a folk hero.

### Swaraj in the Plantations

Workers too had their own understanding of Mahatma Gandhi and the notion of swaraj. For plantation workers in Assam, freedom meant the right to move freely in and out of the confined space in which they were enclosed, and it meant retaining a link with the village from which they had come. Under the Inland Emigration Act of 1859, plantation workers were not permitted to leave the tea gardens without permission, and in fact they were rarely given such permission. When they heard of the Non-Cooperation Movement, thousands of workers defied the authorities, left the plantations and headed home. They believed that Gandhi Raj was coming and everyone would be given land in their own villages. They, however, never reached their destination. Stranded on the way by a railway and steamer strike, they were caught by the police and brutally beaten up.

The visions of these movements were not defined by the Congress programme. They interpreted the term swaraj in their own ways, imagining it to be a time when all suffering and all troubles would be over. Yet, when the tribals chanted Gandhiji's name and raised slogans demanding 'Swatantra Bharat', they were also emotionally relating to an all-India agitation. When they acted in the name of Mahatma Gandhi, or linked their movement to that of the Congress, they were identifying with a movement which went beyond the limits of their immediate locality.

Now students, let me answer one of the discuss questions: List all the different social groups which joined the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1921. Then choose any three and write about their hopes and struggles to show why they joined the movement.

The different social groups which joined the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1921 included:

1. Students and teachers – They left government-controlled schools and colleges 2. Lawyers – They gave up their legal practices 3. Merchants and traders – They boycotted foreign goods 4. Peasants – They fought against landlords and for reduction of revenue 5. Tribal people – They fought for their forest rights 6. Plantation workers – They sought freedom of movement 7. Women – They participated in large numbers 8. Industrial workers – They participated in some areas

Let me choose three groups and explain their hopes and struggles:

**Students and Teachers:** They joined the movement because they believed in the idea of educational self-reliance. They felt that studying in government-controlled institutions was supporting the British colonial system. By leaving these institutions, they wanted to assert their national pride and support the cause of swaraj. Many students and teachers were inspired by Gandhi ji's call and believed that sacrificing their education for the nation's freedom was a noble act.

**Peasants in Awadh:** They were suffering under oppressive landlords who demanded high rents, forced labor (begar), and various cesses. They had no security of tenure and could be evicted anytime. When the Non-Cooperation Movement started, they saw it as an opportunity to fight against these injustices. They wanted reduction of revenue, abolition of begar, and security of tenure. Leaders like Baba Ramchandra and Jawaharlal Nehru mobilised them, and they joined the movement hoping for relief from their economic burdens.

**Plantation Workers in Assam:** They were trapped in a system that did not allow them to leave the tea gardens. The Inland Emigration Act of 1859 practically imprisoned them in the plantations. When they heard about Gandhi ji and the Non-Cooperation Movement, they saw it as a path to freedom – freedom to return to their villages, freedom to own land, and freedom from the oppressive plantation system. Their idea of swaraj was different from the middle-class idea – for them, it meant the ability to move freely and return to their homelands.

Now let's move on to the next major section: Towards Civil Disobedience.

## Towards Civil Disobedience

After withdrawing the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1922, the Congress went through a period of internal debate and dissension. Some leaders were tired of mass struggles and wanted to participate in elections to the provincial councils that had been set up by the Government of India Act of 1919. They felt that it was important to oppose British policies within the councils, argue for reform and also demonstrate that these councils were not truly democratic. C. R. Das and Motilal Nehru formed the Swaraj Party within the Congress to argue for a return to council politics. But younger leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose pressed for more radical mass agitation and for full independence.

In such a situation of internal debate and dissension, two factors again shaped Indian politics towards the late 1920s. The first was the effect of the worldwide economic depression. Agricultural prices began to fall from 1926 and collapsed after 1930. As the demand for agricultural goods fell and exports declined, peasants found it difficult to sell their harvests and pay their revenue. By 1930, the countryside was in turmoil.

The second factor was the Simon Commission. The new Tory government in Britain constituted a Statutory Commission under Sir John Simon. Set up in response to the nationalist movement, the commission was to look into the functioning of the constitutional system in India and suggest changes. The problem was that the commission did not have a single Indian member – they were all British! When the Simon Commission arrived in India in 1928, it was greeted with the slogan 'Go back Simon'. All parties, including the Congress and the Muslim League, participated in the demonstrations.

In an effort to win them over, the viceroy, Lord Irwin, announced in October 1929, a vague offer of 'dominion status' for India in an unspecified future, and a Round Table Conference to discuss a future constitution. This did not satisfy the Congress leaders. The radicals within the Congress, led by Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose, became more assertive. The liberals and moderates, who were proposing a constitutional system within the framework of British dominion, gradually lost their influence.

In December 1929, under the presidency of Jawaharlal Nehru, the Lahore Congress formalised the demand of 'Purna Swaraj' or full independence for India. It was declared that 26 January 1930 would be celebrated as the Independence Day when people were to take a pledge to struggle for complete independence. But the celebrations attracted very little attention. So Mahatma Gandhi had to find a way to relate this abstract idea of freedom to more concrete issues of everyday life.

Now let's answer an exercise question: How did the First World War help in the growth of the National Movement in India?

The First World War helped in the growth of the National Movement in India in several ways:

1. **Economic Hardship:** The war led to huge increases in defence expenditure, which was financed through war loans and taxes. Customs duties were raised and income tax was introduced. Prices doubled between 1913 and 1918, causing extreme hardship for common people.

2. **Forced Recruitment:** Villages were called upon to supply soldiers, and forced recruitment in rural areas caused widespread anger.

3. **Famines and Epidemics:** Between 1918-19 and 1920-21, crops failed in many parts of India, resulting in acute shortages of food. An influenza epidemic followed, killing 12 to 13 million people according to the 1921 census.

4. **Discontent:** People hoped that their hardships would end after the war, but this did not happen. This created widespread discontent that fueled the national movement.

5. **Rise of Gandhi:** The post-war period saw the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi as a leader who could unite people through his novel method of satyagraha.

## The Salt March and the Civil Disobedience Movement

Mahatma Gandhi found in salt a powerful symbol that could unite the nation. On 31 January 1930, he sent a letter to Viceroy Irwin stating eleven demands. Some of these were of general interest; others were specific demands of different classes, from industrialists to peasants. The idea was to make the demands wide-ranging, so that all classes within Indian society could identify with them and everyone could be brought together in a united campaign.

The most stirring of all was the demand to abolish the salt tax. Salt was something consumed by the rich and the poor alike, and it was one of the most essential items of food. The tax on salt and the government monopoly over its production, Mahatma Gandhi declared, revealed the most oppressive face of British rule.

Mahatma Gandhi's letter was, in a way, an ultimatum. If the demands were not fulfilled by 11 March, the letter stated, the Congress would launch a civil disobedience campaign. Irwin was unwilling to negotiate. So Mahatma Gandhi started his famous salt march accompanied by 78 of his trusted volunteers. The march was over 240 miles, from Gandhiji's ashram in Sabarmati to the Gujarati coastal town of Dandi. The volunteers walked for 24 days, about 10 miles a day. Thousands came to hear Mahatma Gandhi wherever he stopped, and he told them what he meant by swaraj and urged them to peacefully defy the British. On 6 April, he reached Dandi, and ceremonially violated the law, manufacturing salt by boiling sea water.

This marked the beginning of the Civil Disobedience Movement. How was this movement different from the Non-Cooperation Movement? People were now asked not only to refuse cooperation with the British, as they had done in 1921-22, but also to break colonial laws. Thousands in different parts of the country broke the salt law, manufactured salt and demonstrated in front of government salt factories. As the movement spread, foreign cloth was boycotted, and liquor shops were picketed. Peasants refused to pay revenue and chaukidari taxes, village officials resigned, and in many places forest people violated forest laws – going into Reserved Forests to collect wood and graze cattle.

Now let's answer the discuss question: Discuss the Salt March to make clear why it was an effective symbol of resistance against colonialism.

The Salt March was an effective symbol of resistance against colonialism for several reasons:

1. **Symbolic Significance:** Salt is an essential item consumed by every Indian – rich and poor alike. By choosing salt, Gandhi ji chose something that connected all Indians. The salt tax was something everyone could relate to and feel angry about.

2. **Legal Injustice:** The salt law was a perfect example of British oppression. The government had a monopoly over salt production and imposed heavy taxes on it. This was seen as an unnecessary burden on ordinary people.

3. **Mass Appeal:** The Salt March was not just about salt – it was about challenging the fundamental right of the British to rule India. By breaking the salt law, people were symbolically breaking the chains of slavery.

4. **Media Impact:** The march attracted massive media attention, both in India and abroad. Gandhi ji's 24-day, 240-mile walk became a powerful image that inspired people across the country.

5. **Unity:** The Salt March brought together people from all walks of life – farmers, workers, merchants, women, and students – united in their defiance of British rule.

6. **Non-violent Resistance:** The march demonstrated that ordinary people could resist powerful authorities through peaceful means, inspiring confidence in the freedom struggle.

Worried by the developments, the colonial government began arresting the Congress leaders one by one. This led to violent clashes in many places. When Abdul Ghaffar Khan, a devout disciple of Mahatma Gandhi, was arrested in April 1930, angry crowds demonstrated in the streets of Peshawar, facing armoured cars and police firing. Many were killed. A month later, when Mahatma Gandhi himself was arrested, industrial workers in Sholapur attacked police posts, municipal buildings, lawcourts and railway stations – all structures that symbolised British rule. A frightened government responded with a policy of brutal repression. Peaceful satyagrahis were attacked, women and children were beaten, and about 100,000 people were arrested.

In such a situation, Mahatma Gandhi once again decided to call off the movement and entered into a pact with Irwin on 5 March 1931. By this Gandhi-Irwin Pact, Gandhiji consented to participate in a Round Table Conference (the Congress had boycotted the first Round Table Conference) in London and the government agreed to release the political prisoners. In December 1931, Gandhiji went to London for the conference, but the negotiations broke down and he returned disappointed. Back in India, he discovered that the government had begun a new cycle of repression. Ghaffar Khan and Jawaharlal Nehru were both in jail, the Congress had been declared illegal, and a series of measures had been imposed to prevent meetings, demonstrations and boycotts. With great apprehension, Mahatma Gandhi relaunched the Civil Disobedience Movement. For over a year, the movement continued, but by 1934 it lost its momentum.

## How Participants saw the Movement

Now let's look at the different social groups that participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement and understand why they joined.

**Rich Peasants:** In the countryside, rich peasant communities – like the Patidars of Gujarat and the Jats of Uttar Pradesh – were active in the movement. Being producers of commercial crops, they were very hard hit by the trade depression and falling prices. As their cash income disappeared, they found it impossible to pay the government's revenue demand. And the refusal of the government to reduce the revenue demand led to widespread resentment. These rich peasants became enthusiastic supporters of the Civil Disobedience Movement, organising their communities, and at times forcing reluctant members, to participate in the boycott programmes. For them, the fight for swaraj was a struggle against high revenues. But they were deeply disappointed when the movement was called off in 1931 without the revenue rates being revised. So when the movement was restarted in 1932, many of them refused to participate.

**Poor Peasants:** The poorer peasantry were not just interested in the lowering of the revenue demand. Many of them were small tenants cultivating land they had rented from landlords. As the Depression continued and cash incomes dwindled, the small tenants found it difficult to pay their rent. They wanted the unpaid rent to the landlord to be remitted. They joined a variety of radical movements, often led by Socialists and Communists. Apprehensive of raising issues that might upset the rich peasants and landlords, the Congress was unwilling to support 'no rent' campaigns in most places. So the relationship between the poor peasants and the Congress remained uncertain.

**Business Classes:** What about the business classes? How did they relate to the Civil Disobedience Movement? During the First World War, Indian merchants and industrialists had made huge profits and become powerful. Keen on expanding their business, they now reacted against colonial policies that restricted business activities. They wanted protection against imports of foreign goods, and a rupee-sterling foreign exchange ratio that would discourage imports. To organise business interests, they formed the Indian Industrial and Commercial Congress in 1920 and the Federation of the Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industries (FICCI) in 1927. Led by prominent industrialists like Purshottamdas Thakurdas and G. D. Birla, the industrialists attacked colonial control over the Indian economy, and supported the Civil Disobedience Movement when it was first launched. They gave financial assistance and refused to buy or sell imported goods. Most businessmen came to see swaraj as a time when colonial restrictions on business would no longer exist and trade and industry would flourish without constraints. But after the failure of the Round Table Conference, business groups were no longer uniformly enthusiastic. They were apprehensive of the spread of militant activities, and worried about prolonged disruption of business, as well as of the growing influence of socialism amongst the younger members of the Congress.

**Industrial Workers:** The industrial working classes did not participate in the Civil Disobedience Movement in large numbers, except in the Nagpur region. As the industrialists came closer to the Congress, workers stayed aloof. But in spite of that, some workers did participate in the Civil Disobedience Movement, selectively adopting some of the ideas of the Gandhian programme, like boycott of foreign goods, as part of their own movements against low wages and poor working conditions. There were strikes by railway workers in 1930 and dockworkers in 1932. In 1930, thousands of workers in Chotanagpur tin mines wore Gandhi caps and participated in protest rallies and boycott campaigns. But the Congress was reluctant to include workers' demands as part of its programme of struggle. It felt that this would alienate industrialists and divide the anti-imperial forces.

**Women:** Another important feature of the Civil Disobedience Movement was the large-scale participation of women. During Gandhiji's salt march, thousands of women came out of their homes to listen to him. They participated in protest marches, manufactured salt, and picketed foreign cloth and liquor shops. Many went to jail. In urban areas, these women were from high-caste families; in rural areas, they came from rich peasant households. Moved by Gandhiji's call, they began to see service to the nation as a sacred duty of women. Yet, this increased public role did not necessarily mean any radical change in the way the position of women was visualised. Gandhiji was convinced that it was the duty of women to look after home and hearth, be good mothers and good wives. And for a long time, the Congress was reluctant to allow women to hold any position of authority within the organisation. It was keen only on their symbolic presence.

Now let's answer the discuss question: Imagine you are a woman participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement. Explain what the experience meant to your life.

If I were a woman participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement, the experience would have been transformative in many ways.

First, it would have given me a sense of purpose and agency. For the first time in my life, I would be doing something beyond the boundaries of my home. I would be contributing to a larger cause – the freedom of my nation. When I joined the protest marches and listened to Gandhi ji speak, I felt that I was part of something bigger than myself.

Second, it would have been an act of defiance against traditional norms. In those days, women were expected to stay within the four walls of their homes. By stepping out onto the streets, by picketing shops, by manufacturing salt, I was challenging the conventional roles assigned to women. This was a radical departure from the expected behavior.

Third, it would have united me with women from different backgrounds. Whether from urban high-caste families or rural peasant households, we all came together with a common purpose. We shared our experiences, supported each other, and built bonds that transcended caste and class differences.

Fourth, going to jail for the cause would have been a matter of great pride. Being arrested for peacefully protesting against injustice would have given me a sense of dignity and self-respect. It would have shown that I was willing to sacrifice my freedom for the nation's freedom.

However, I must also acknowledge that despite this participation, the position of women in the Congress and in society did not change dramatically. Gandhi ji and the Congress leaders still believed that women's primary duty was to the home. We were welcomed for our symbolic presence and our ability to mobilise, but we were not given positions of real authority. So while the movement gave us a public platform, it did not immediately transform the patriarchal structure of Indian society.

Now let's answer the exercise question: Why did various classes and groups of Indians participate in the Civil Disobedience Movement?

Various classes and groups of Indians participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement for different reasons:

1. **Rich Peasants (Patidars, Jats):** They were hit hard by the Great Depression. Agricultural prices fell, and they could not pay the high revenue demanded by the government. They saw swaraj as a way to get relief from high taxes.

2. **Poor Peasants:** They wanted reduction in rent and wanted the unpaid rent to be remitted. They were struggling to survive under the burden of both government taxes and landlord rents.

3. **Businessmen:** They wanted protection from foreign goods and wanted colonial restrictions on business to be removed. They saw swaraj as a way to expand their businesses freely.

4. **Industrial Workers:** They wanted better wages and working conditions. They participated in strikes and supported the boycott of foreign goods.

5. **Women:** They responded to Gandhi ji's call and saw national service as a sacred duty. They wanted to be part of the freedom struggle.

6. **Tribal People:** They wanted access to forests and protection of their traditional rights.

7. **Merchants and Traders:** They supported the boycott of foreign goods and provided financial assistance to the movement.

## The Limits of Civil Disobedience

Not all social groups were moved by the abstract concept of swaraj. One such group was the nation's 'untouchables', who from around the 1930s had begun to call themselves dalit or oppressed. For long, the Congress had ignored the dalits, for fear of offending the sanatanis, the conservative high-caste Hindus. But Mahatma Gandhi declared that swaraj would not come for a hundred years if untouchability was not eliminated. He called the 'untouchables' harijan, or the children of God, organised satyagraha to secure them entry into temples, and access to public wells, tanks, roads and schools. He himself cleaned toilets to dignify the work of the bhangis (the sweepers), and persuaded upper castes to change their heart and give up 'the sin of untouchability'.

But many dalit leaders were keen on a different political solution to the problems of the community. They began organising themselves, demanding reserved seats in educational institutions, and a separate electorate that would choose dalit members for legislative councils. Political empowerment, they believed, would resolve the problems of their social disabilities. Dalit participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement was therefore limited, particularly in the Maharashtra and Nagpur region where their organisation was quite strong.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who organised the dalits into the Depressed Classes Association in 1930, clashed with Mahatma Gandhi at the second Round Table Conference by demanding separate electorates for dalits. When the British government conceded Ambedkar's demand, Gandhiji began a fast unto death. He believed that separate electorates for dalits would slow down the process of their integration into society. Ambedkar ultimately accepted Gandhi ji's position and the result was the Poona Pact of September 1932. It gave the Depressed Classes (later to be known as the Schedule Castes) reserved seats in provincial and central legislative councils, but they were to be voted in by the general electorate. The dalit movement, however, continued to be apprehensive of the Congress-led national movement.

Now let's answer the discuss question: Why did political leaders differ sharply over the question of separate electorates?

Political leaders differed sharply over the question of separate electorates for several reasons:

1. **Different Perspectives on Integration:** Gandhi ji believed that separate electorates would slow down the integration of dalits into mainstream society. He wanted dalits to be part of the larger Hindu community and fight alongside other Indians for freedom. On the other hand, leaders like Ambedkar believed that political empowerment through separate electorates was necessary to address the specific problems of dalits.

2. **Fear of Division:** The Congress leadership, including Gandhi ji, was concerned that separate electorates would divide the national movement and play into the hands of the British, who wanted to keep Indians divided.

3. **Minority Rights:** Muslim leaders like Muhammad Ali Jinnah andIqbal argued that minorities needed special protections to prevent domination by the majority community. They believed that separate electorates were necessary to ensure minority representation.

4. **Historical Context:** The demand for separate electorates had its origins in the colonial period when the British introduced separate electorates for different communities through the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909. This policy was seen as a 'divide and rule' tactic.

5. **Practical Considerations:** Some leaders felt that separate electorates would create permanent divisions between communities, making it difficult to build a unified nation after independence.

Now let's look at the Muslim response to the Civil Disobedience Movement.

Some of the Muslim political organisations in India were also lukewarm in their response to the Civil Disobedience Movement. After the decline of the Non-Cooperation-Khilafat Movement, a large section of Muslims felt alienated from the Congress. From the mid-1920s, the Congress came to be more visibly associated with openly Hindu religious nationalist groups like the Hindu Mahasabha. As relations between Hindus and Muslims worsened, each community organised religious processions with militant fervour, provoking Hindu-Muslim communal clashes and riots in various cities. Every riot deepened the distance between the two communities.

The Congress and the Muslim League made efforts to renegotiate an alliance, and in 1927, it appeared that such a unity could be forged. The important differences were over the question of representation in the future assemblies that were to be elected. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, one of the leaders of the Muslim League, was willing to give up the demand for separate electorates, if Muslims were assured reserved seats in the Central Assembly and representation in proportion to population in the Muslim-dominated provinces (Bengal and Punjab). Negotiations over the question of representation continued, but all hope of resolving the issue at the All Parties Conference in 1928 disappeared when M.R. Jayakar of the Hindu Mahasabha strongly opposed efforts at compromise.

When the Civil Disobedience Movement started, there was thus an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust between communities. Alienated from the Congress, large sections of Muslims could not respond to the call for a united struggle. Many Muslim leaders and intellectuals expressed their concern about the status of Muslims as a minority within India. They feared that the culture and identity of minorities would be submerged under the domination of a Hindu majority.

Now let's look at Source D, which contains Sir Muhammad Iqbal's speech. Let me answer the discuss question: Read the Source D carefully. Do you agree with Iqbal's idea of communalism? Can you define communalism in a different way?

Iqbal's idea of communalism was that different communities in India should be allowed to develop freely on their own lines. He believed that India was a land of racial and religious variety, and that the principle of European democracy could not be applied to India without recognising the fact of communal groups. He argued that the Muslim demand for a Muslim India within India was justified.

I do not fully agree with Iqbal's idea of communalism in the sense that it emphasises separation rather than unity. While it is important to recognise and respect the cultural diversity of different communities, defining communities primarily by their religious identity can lead to divisions rather than unity. True nationalism should be about unity in diversity, where people of different religions and backgrounds can live together while maintaining their distinct identities.

Communalism can be defined differently. Instead of viewing it as the assertion of separate communal identities, we can define communalism as the politicisation of religious identities, where religion is used as a basis for political mobilisation and competition. This definition highlights how communalism can be exploited for political purposes and emphasises the need to separate religion from politics.

## The Sense of Collective Belonging

Nationalism spreads when people begin to believe that they are all part of the same nation, when they discover some unity that binds them together. But how did the nation become a reality in the minds of people? How did people belonging to different communities, regions or language groups develop a sense of collective belonging?

This sense of collective belonging came partly through the experience of united struggles. But there were also a variety of cultural processes through which nationalism captured people's imagination. History and fiction, folklore and songs, popular prints and symbols, all played a part in the making of nationalism.

The identity of the nation, as you know, is most often symbolised in a figure or image. This helps create an image with which people can identify the nation. It was in the twentieth century, with the growth of nationalism, that the identity of India came to be visually associated with the image of Bharat Mata. The image was first created by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay. In the 1870s, he wrote 'Vande Mataram' as a hymn to the motherland. Later, it was included in his novel Anandamath and widely sung during the Swadeshi movement in Bengal. Moved by the Swadeshi movement, Abanindranath Tagore painted his famous image of Bharat Mata. In this painting, Bharat Mata is portrayed as an ascetic figure; she is calm, composed, divine and spiritual. In subsequent years, the image of Bharat Mata acquired many different forms, as it circulated in popular prints, and was painted by different artists. Devotion to this mother figure came to be seen as evidence of one's nationalism.

Ideas of nationalism also developed through a movement to revive Indian folklore. In late-nineteenth-century India, nationalists began recording folk tales sung by bards and they toured villages to gather folk songs and legends. These tales, they believed, gave a true picture of traditional culture that had been corrupted and damaged by outside forces. It was essential to preserve this folk tradition in order to discover one's national identity and restore a sense of pride in one's past. In Bengal, Rabindranath Tagore himself began collecting ballads, nursery rhymes and myths, and led the movement for folk revival. In Madras, Natesa Sastri published a massive four-volume collection of Tamil folk tales, The Folklore of Southern India. He believed that folklore was national literature; it was 'the most trustworthy manifestation of people's real thoughts and characteristics'.

As the national movement developed, nationalist leaders became more and more aware of such icons and symbols in unifying people and inspiring in them a feeling of nationalism. During the Swadeshi movement in Bengal, a tricolour flag (red, green and yellow) was designed. It had eight lotuses representing eight provinces of British India, and a crescent moon, representing Hindus and Muslims. By 1921, Gandhiji had designed the Swaraj flag. It was again a tricolour (red, green and white) and had a spinning wheel in the centre, representing the Gandhian ideal of self-help. Carrying the flag, holding it aloft, during marches became a symbol of defiance.

Another means of creating a feeling of nationalism was through reinterpretation of history. By the end of the nineteenth century, many Indians began feeling that to instill a sense of pride in the nation, Indian history had to be thought about differently. The British saw Indians as backward and primitive, incapable of governing themselves. In response, Indians began looking into the past to discover India's great achievements. They wrote about the glorious developments in ancient times when art and architecture, science and mathematics, religion and culture, law and philosophy, crafts and trade had flourished. This glorious time, in their view, was followed by a history of decline, when India was colonised. These nationalist histories urged the readers to take pride in India's great achievements in the past and struggle to change the miserable conditions of life under British rule.

These efforts to unify people were not without problems. When the past being glorified was Hindu, when the images celebrated were drawn from Hindu iconography, then people of other communities felt left out.

Now let's answer the exercise question: Compare the images of Bharat Mata in this chapter with the image of Germania in Chapter 1.

The image of Bharat Mata and the image of Germania represent two different but similar nationalist symbols:

**Bharat Mata:** - Depicted as an ascetic figure, calm, composed, divine and spiritual - Often shown holding symbols of India's prosperity – sheaves of rice, a piece of cloth, and scriptures - Rooted in Indian cultural and religious traditions - First painted by Abanindranath Tagore during the Swadeshi movement - Represents the motherland as a nurturing, spiritual figure - Connected to Indian folklore and traditions

**Germania:** - Depicted as a warrior figure with a sword or shield - Often shown with a crown of oak leaves (symbol of heroism) - Rooted in Western artistic traditions - Represents Germany as a unified nation-state - More martial and aggressive in appearance - Connected to European nationalist traditions

Both figures serve the same purpose – to create a visual representation of the nation that people can identify with and feel emotionally connected to. However, their visual representation reflects the cultural context from which they emerge.

## Conclusion

A growing anger against the colonial government was thus bringing together various groups and classes of Indians into a common struggle for freedom in the first half of the twentieth century. The Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi tried to channel people's grievances into organised movements for independence. Through such movements, the nationalists tried to forge a national unity. But as we have seen, diverse groups and classes participated in these movements with varied aspirations and expectations. As their grievances were wide-ranging, freedom from colonial rule also meant different things to different people. The Congress continuously attempted to resolve differences, and ensure that the demands of one group did not alienate another. This is precisely why the unity within the movement often broke down. The high points of Congress activity and nationalist unity were followed by phases of disunity and inner conflict between groups.

In other words, what was emerging was a nation with many voices wanting freedom from colonial rule.

Now let's discuss the Quit India Movement, which is mentioned at the end of the chapter.

### Quit India Movement

The failure of the Cripps Mission and the effects of World War II created widespread discontentment in India. This led Gandhiji to launch a movement calling for complete withdrawal of the British from India. The Congress Working Committee, in its meeting in Wardha on 14 July 1942, passed the historic 'Quit India' resolution demanding the immediate transfer of power to Indians and quit India. On 8 August 1942 in Bombay, the All India Congress Committee endorsed the resolution which called for a non-violent mass struggle on the widest possible scale throughout the country. It was on this occasion that Gandhiji delivered the famous 'Do or Die' speech.

The call for 'Quit India' almost brought the state machinery to a standstill in large parts of the country as people voluntarily threw themselves into the thick of the movement. People observed hartals, and demonstrations and processions were accompanied by national songs and slogans. The movement was truly a mass movement which brought into its ambit thousands of ordinary people, namely students, workers and peasants. It also saw the active participation of leaders, namely, Jayprakash Narayan, Aruna Asaf Ali and Ram Manohar Lohia and many women such as Matangini Hazra in Bengal, Kanaklata Barua in Assam and Rama Devi in Odisha. The British responded with much force, yet it took more than a year to suppress the movement.

Now let's answer all the exercise questions:

**1. Explain:** a) Why growth of nationalism in the colonies is linked to an anti-colonial movement.

The growth of nationalism in the colonies is linked to an anti-colonial movement because colonialism created a shared experience of oppression among people. When people fight against a common enemy (colonial rule), they discover their unity and develop a sense of common identity. The struggle against colonialism brought together different groups and classes who otherwise had their own differences. The feeling of being oppressed under colonialism provided a shared bond that tied many different groups together, leading to the growth of nationalism.

b) How the First World War helped in the growth of the National Movement in India.

The First World War helped in the growth of the National Movement in India by creating economic hardship (increased taxes, rising prices), forced recruitment in rural areas, and famines and epidemics that killed millions. People hoped for relief after the war, but their hardships continued. This discontent provided fertile ground for nationalist movements. Additionally, the war led to the emergence of Mahatma Gandhi and his method of satyagraha.

c) Why Indians were outraged by the Rowlatt Act.

Indians were outraged by the Rowlatt Act because it was a repressive law that allowed detention without trial for two years. It was passed despite united opposition from Indian members of the Legislative Council. The Act gave the government enormous powers to repress political activities, violating basic civil liberties.

d) Why Gandhiji decided to withdraw the Non-Cooperation Movement.

Gandhiji decided to withdraw the Non-Cooperation Movement because of the violent incident at Chauri Chaura in February 1922, where a peaceful demonstration turned into a violent clash with the police. Gandhi ji believed strongly in non-violence, and when the movement became violent, he decided to call it off to prevent further bloodshed and to uphold the principle of non-violence.

**2. What is meant by the idea of satyagraha?**

The idea of satyagraha means 'insistence on truth' or 'holding firmly to truth'. It is a method of non-violent resistance developed by Mahatma Gandhi. It emphasises the power of truth and the need to search for truth. The idea suggests that if the cause is true and the struggle is against injustice, physical force is not necessary to fight the oppressor. A satyagrahi can win through non-violence by appealing to the conscience of the oppressor. Truth will ultimately triumph.

**3. Write a newspaper report on:** a) The Jallianwala Bagh massacre

JALLIANWALA BAGH MASSACRE – A DARK DAY IN INDIAN HISTORY

Amritsar, 13 April 1919: A horrific tragedy unfolded today at Jallianwala Bagh, a public garden in Amritsar, when British troops under General Dyer opened fire on a peaceful gathering of unarmed civilians.

The exact number of casualties is still being verified, but preliminary reports suggest hundreds of innocent people, including women and children, were killed when British soldiers blocked all exits and fired upon the crowd.

The gathering was a mix of people – some had come to protest against the repressive Rowlatt Act, while others were there to celebrate the Baisakhi fair. Many villagers from outside the city were unaware of the martial law imposed in the area.

General Dyer has claimed that his action was intended to 'produce a moral effect' and teach the locals a lesson. This brutal act of violence has shocked the entire nation and will only strengthen the resolve of Indians to fight for their freedom.

This is indeed a black day in the history of British rule in India.

b) The Simon Commission

SIMON COMMISSION ARRIVES IN INDIA – 'GO BACK SIMON' ECHOES ACROSS THE COUNTRY

New Delhi, 3 February 1928: The Simon Commission, named after Sir John Simon, arrived in India today to review the constitutional system in the country. However, the commission was met with widespread protests and the slogan 'Go back Simon' reverberated across the nation.

The commission, comprising only British members, was constituted to look into the functioning of the constitutional system in India and suggest changes. Its complete lack of Indian representation has been met with outrage by all political parties, including the Congress and the Muslim League.

The arrival was marked by massive demonstrations in major cities. In Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, and many other places, people came out in large numbers to express their opposition to the commission.

Leaders from across the political spectrum have united in their demand that any commission reviewing India's constitution must include Indian members. The Simon Commission represents yet another example of the British government's disregard for Indian aspirations.

The protests are expected to continue as the commission begins its tour of the country.

Now let's complete the activity question about designing a poster.

**Activity: The year is 1921. You are a student in a government-controlled school. Design a poster urging school students to answer Gandhiji's call to join the Non-Cooperation Movement.**

[This is a design activity, but I will describe what the poster could contain]

A poster designed in 1921 by a student supporting the Non-Cooperation Movement might include:

- Bold text: "JOIN THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT – BOYCOTT GOVERNMENT SCHOOLS!" - An image of Mahatma Gandhi with the words "Follow Gandhiji's Call" - The tricolour flag or Swaraj flag with a spinning wheel - Slogans like "Swaraj is our birthright", "Leave schools, gain freedom", "Support Indian education, boycott British schools" - Images of students leaving schools and joining hand - Text explaining why: "British-controlled education enslaves our minds. Indian schools will free our souls. Join the movement for Swaraj!"

Now let's look at the project question: Find out about the anti-colonial movement in Indo-China. Compare and contrast India's national movement with the ways in which Indo-China became independent.

This is a research project, but let me give you some key points:

**Indo-China (Vietnam):** - Under French colonial rule - The independence movement was led by Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh - Used both diplomatic and armed resistance - Fought against French colonial rule and later against US involvement - Became independent in 1975 after the Vietnam War

**Comparison with India:** - Both countries were under colonial rule (Britain and France) - Both had nationalist movements led by charismatic leaders (Gandhi and Ho Chi Minh) - Both used different strategies – India primarily non-violent, Vietnam used armed struggle - Both movements united various social groups - India achieved independence in 1947, Vietnam in 1975 - Both movements faced challenges from communal and ideological divisions

**Contrast:** - India's movement was largely non-violent, while Vietnam's involved armed warfare - India achieved independence through negotiation and mass movement, Vietnam through prolonged war - India maintained a democratic system post-independence, Vietnam became a communist state

Now students, we have covered the entire chapter. Let me give you a comprehensive summary of everything we have learned.

## Complete Summary

Dear students, we have completed our journey through Chapter 2: Nationalism in India. Let me summarise everything we have learned:

**1. Introduction to Nationalism in India:** - Nationalism in India grew in connection with the anti-colonial movement - People discovered their unity through the struggle against colonialism - Different groups had different experiences and different notions of freedom

**2. The First World War and Its Impact:** - The war created economic hardship through increased taxes and rising prices - Forced recruitment caused anger in rural areas - Famines and epidemics killed millions of people - Post-war disappointment fueled nationalist sentiments

**3. The Idea of Satyagraha:** - Mahatma Gandhi introduced the concept of satyagraha from South Africa - It emphasised truth, non-violence, and soul-force - Satyagraha is active resistance through peaceful means

**4. The Rowlatt Act and Jallianwala Bagh:** - The Rowlatt Act allowed detention without trial, outraging Indians - In 1919, General Dyer ordered firing on peaceful civilians at Jallianwala Bagh - Hundreds were killed in this brutal massacre

**5. The Khilafat Issue:** - Muslims were concerned about the fate of the Ottoman Khalifa after WWI - The Khilafat Committee was formed to defend the Khalifa - Gandhi ji saw this as an opportunity to unite Hindus and Muslims

**6. The Non-Cooperation Movement (1920-1922):** - Gandhi ji proposed non-cooperation with British rule - Students left schools, lawyers gave up practices, foreign goods were boycotted - The movement spread to countryside, involving peasants and tribals - Different groups had different interpretations of swaraj - The movement was withdrawn after the Chauri Chaura incident in 1922

**7. Towards Civil Disobedience:** - The Simon Commission (1928) faced 'Go back Simon' protests - The Lahore Congress (1929) demanded Purna Swaraj - The Salt March (1930) was a powerful symbol of resistance - The Civil Disobedience Movement involved breaking colonial laws - Gandhi ji was arrested, and the movement was called off in 1931

**8. Participants in the Civil Disobedience Movement:** - Rich peasants wanted relief from high revenue - Poor peasants wanted rent remission - Businessmen wanted removal of colonial restrictions - Workers wanted better wages and conditions - Women participated in large numbers

**9. Limits of Civil Disobedience:** - Dalits were lukewarm due to Congress's hesitation on untouchability - Ambedkar demanded separate electorates; led to Poona Pact (1932) - Muslims felt alienated from the Congress - Communal tensions increased

**10. Sense of Collective Belonging:** - Symbols like Bharat Mata created national identity - Folk tales and songs were collected to preserve culture - Tricolour flags represented the nation - History was reinterpreted to instill pride

**11. Quit India Movement (1942):** - Launched during WWII demanding British withdrawal - Mass movement with participation from all sections - Suppressed brutally but ultimately led to independence

**Key Dates to Remember:** - 1915: Gandhi ji returns to India - 1919: Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh massacre - 1920: Non-Cooperation Movement launched - 1922: Chauri Chaura, movement withdrawn - 1928: Simon Commission arrives - 1929: Lahore Congress demands Purna Swaraj - 1930: Salt March begins - 1931: Gandhi-Irwin Pact - 1932: Poona Pact - 1942: Quit India Movement

Students, this chapter teaches us that the Indian national movement was not a single, unified movement but a collection of many movements with different goals and aspirations. What bound them together was the desire for freedom from colonial rule. The movement succeeded because it was able to bring together people from different backgrounds, regions, and communities, even though they sometimes had conflicting interests. This is the story of how India became a nation – through struggle, sacrifice, and the collective efforts of millions of people.

Thank you for your attention, and I hope you have enjoyed this lesson. Remember to revise the chapter thoroughly and practice answering the questions. Good luck with your studies!

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